Ideas oppress and liberate
The
revolutions of the past are no longer exemplary. The overthrow of an
established power structure by the force of arms has always resulted
in armies fighting a civil war with the intensity of a foreign one.
The government in place has armed forces at its disposal, and some of
these may join the revolutionaries. But the military are trained to
obey orders, and wise governments closely control their generals.
However, whenever two armies could be constituted there was war and
its ensuing misery, destruction and uncertain outcome. Also these
previous experiences were intent on ending absolute monarchy and
feudal aristocracy. They were the expression of a change in economic
power from land to industry, and from the countryside to the towns.
The structures of government and the rules of property had to change
to allow industrialisation to expand without constraints. Capital
needed free labour it could employ and dismiss, as well as access to
land and exploiting its rivers, soil and anything underneath. Land
and labour became commodities, priced on the market according to
supply and demand. And supplies had to grow to keep ahead of demand.
The US had a continent to expand into. Holland, Britain and France
were obliged to reach overseas to Africa and Asia. These early
“republics” were expansive and imperialist because capital
accumulation demanded it. Meanwhile, labour was kept plentiful by
rural exodus in Europe, bonded workers until industrial capitalism
proscribed them, and immigration.
Whatever
their discourse may have been, the revolutions of the past opened the
way for the expansion of capital. They brought down the old world
order of divine right and feudal land ownership, and constituted the
rule of interest and profit over a global market. They have nothing
to teach about the future demise of the system they put in place.
Alexander Berkman was already quite clear about this ninety years
ago. “How do you imagine a revolution could be fought in these days
of armoured tanks, poison gas and military planes? Do you believe
that the unarmed masses and their barricades could withstand
high-power artillery and bombs thrown upon them from flying machines?
[…] And no less ridiculous is the suggestion that the workers
should form their own regiments, “shock troops” or a “red
front”, as the Communist parties advise you to do. […] It is time
to have done with this obsolete idea of revolution. Nowadays
government and capital are too well organised in a military way for
the workers to be able to cope with them. It would be criminal to
attempt it, insanity even to think of it.”(1) He promoted a General
Strike, because “you can shoot people to death, but you can’t
shoot them to work.” However, people can be, and generally are,
starved to work. And, though general strikes have obtained
concessions, they have never threatened capitalism for want of an
alternative vision. Workers can show they control production, but
this does not give them control of the state apparatus. Stopping
production is a strong bargaining tool that cannot contest the
structures of power and wealth, as they are doing the bargaining. At
best it obtains a more generous distribution.
Past
revolutions consecrated the reign of capital, albeit unwittingly.
Monarchic divinity was transmuted into prosaic gold. Instead of power
bringing wealth, wealth bought power. Armed might no longer commanded
merchants, merchants commanded armed might. A new force confronted
the old, and vanquished, though two centuries later some nations are
still ruled by autocrats. It was the victory of finance and industry
over the land-owning aristocracy. However, the novelty of the 1800s
is now worn out and beyond repair. The profit factor is ruining and
poisoning life on the planet. It must be restrained and eventually
terminated. And, though it commands force and has recourse to extreme
violence, profit (and interest) is just a concept, an idea that
became an ideology, and it must be combated on those terms. Future
revolutions will be won by the force of ideas, not the force of arms.
Profit needs to be denigrated, and shown to be irrational and opposed
to the common good, just as an extraordinary accumulation of wealth
should be seen as a mental pathology presenting a danger for society,
and obsessive consumption be treated as a psychiatric illness, to
paraphrase J.M. Keynes (2).
1.
The ABC of Communist Anarchism (1929), Ch. XXVII, p. 229, (Red and
Black Publishers)
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